The Hugo Valentin Centre
  • Ohlsson Al Fakir, Ida; Montesino, Norma

    Public Health Categories in the Making of Citizenship: The Case of Refugees and Roma in Sweden

    Part of Conceptualising Public Health, 2018.

  • Dulic, Tomislav

    The patterns of violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Security, geography and the killing of civilians during the war of the 1990s

    Part of Political Geography, p. 148-158, 2018.

    Abstract

    How can we best explain the uneven spatial distribution of lethal violence against civilians during civil wars and other conflicts? This question has attracted an increasing amount of research interest during the last decade, when the dissemination of georeferenced statistical data has facilitated the use of GIS software for the study of civil war violence. While many scholars focus on the relationship between the spatial distribution of violence and the topographic, economic or environmental character of land, others have looked into how local-level cleavages and antagonisms influence the violence or at the military-strategic logic driving the belligerents. This article introduces the concept of “spatial securitization” in order to explain the uneven distribution of civilian deaths across space by using the violence against civilians during the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in the 1990s as an empirical case. By this is meant a process through which elites attribute importance to specific administrative and other territorial units, depending on political and military context. I predict that while high levels of ethnic heterogeneity do not necessarily translate into above-average levels of violence, homogenous municipalities will display a lower magnitude of violence than the average. This is because ethnic dominance produces strong legitimacy in territorial claims. A belligerent might therefore find it counterproductive to spend resources on attacking a region that one cannot legitimately claim in a peace settlement. However, such areas may also be attacked if and when they are of great strategic importance and thus highly securitized.The results show that increased levels of violence are strongly associated with the municipalities that the Bosnian Serb elite considered to be highly important from a security perspective across victim groups, while Croat and Bosniak victims were primarily affected in their own securitized municipalities. Another important finding is that high levels of ethnic dominance had a negative influence on the killing of civilians. The conclusion is that violence will be rather uncommon in areas where an incumbent can count on control and therefore has no need to target civilians. Conversely, the evidence fails to support the idea that areas where no one actor has demographic control are disproportionately violent, unless the territory was highly securitized.

  • Dulić, Tomislav

    The patterns of violence in Bosnia and Herzegovina: Security, geography and the killing of civilians during the war of the 1990s

    Part of Political Geography, p. 148-158, 2018.

  • Miljan, Goran

    Croatia and the Rise of Fascism: the Youth Movement and the Ustasha During WWII

    I.B. Tauris, 2018.

    Abstract

    During World War II, Croatia became a fascist state under the control of the Ustasha Movement - allied with Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Here, Goran Miljan examines and analyzes for the first time the ideology, practices, and international connections of the Ustasha Youth organization. The Ustasha Youth was an all-embracing fascist youth organization, established in July 1941 by the `Independent State of Croatia' with the goal of reeducating young people in the model of an ideal `new' Croat. This youth organization attempted to set in motion an all-embracing, totalitarian national revolution which in reality consisted of specific interconnected, mutually dependent practices: prosecution, oppression, mass murder, and the Holocaust - all of which were officially legalized within a month of the regime's accession to power. To this end education, sport, manual work and camping took place in specially established Ustasha Youth Schools. In order to justify their radical policies of youth reeducation, the Ustasha Youth, besides emphasizing national character and the importance of cultural and national purity, also engaged in transnational activities and exchanges, especially with the Hlinkova mladez [Hlinka Youth] of the Slovak Republic. Both youth organizations were closely modelled after the youth organizations in Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. This is a little studied part of the history of World War II and of Fascism, and will be essential reading for scholars of Central Europe and the Holocaust

  • Doğan, Recep

    Do Women Really Kill for Honor?: Conceptualizing Women’s Involvement in Honor Killings.

    Part of Deviant behavior, p. 1247-1266, 2018.

    Abstract

    So far, women’s involvement in honor killings has been attempted to explain with the emphasis on either patriarchy or the concept of hegemonic masculinity.  However, the current conceptualization of women involved in honor killings is not completely representative of all of the cases. The accurate portrayal of women’s involvement in such killings requires a broader understanding of particular circumstances of the female perpetrators, the whole dynamic behind honor killings, and of the particular relationship between victim and the perpetrator. Through reflecting on the narratives of five female perpetrators, this article aims to provide this missing focus.

  • Heuman, Johannes

    « Comme les Juifs sous l’Occupation »: La mémoire de la Shoah dans la lutte antiraciste en France, 1944-1967

    Part of Archives Juives, p. 39 39-58 58, 2018.

    Abstract

    This article analyzes memory of the Shoah in post-War antiracist movements, notably the Mouvement contre le racisme, l’antisémitisme et pour la paix (MRAP) and the Ligue internationale contre le racisme et l’antisémitisme (LICA, today the LICRA). Jews’ experiences of the occupation were generally more visible in the discourse of the MRAP than in that of the LICA, which emphasized the universal aspect of Nazi crimes. In general, a fear of fascism returning was the main motivator in this early activation of memory of the Shoah. However, the two organizations also used this memory as a reference to protest against discriminations suffered by Arabs (MRAP) as well as antisemitism in Eastern Europe and the Arab world (LICA).

  • Gröndahl, Satu

    Emansipaatiota vai etnifiointia? Kielellistä rajankäyntiä pohjoismaisessa kirjallisuudessa.

    Part of Avain - Kirjallisuudentutkimuksen aikakauslehti, p. 106-113, 2018.

  • Rudberg, Pontus

    Rädda våra barn!: Svensk-judisk hjälp till flyktingbarn från Nazityskland

    Part of På flykt från krig, p. 82-117, 2017.

  • Rudberg, Pontus

    The Swedish Jews and the Holocaust

    Routledge, 2017.

  • Miljan, Goran

    The Brotherhood of Youth´ - A Case Study of the Ustaša and Hlinka Youth Connections and Exchanges

    Part of Fascism Without Borders, 2017.

  • Carlsson, Carl Henrik

    Jacob Ettlinger – kein typisch deutscher Jude in Schweden

    Part of Deutschsprachige jüdische Emigration nach Schweden, 2017.

  • Wynter Porter, Jim

    A "Precious Minority": Constructing the "Gifted" and "Academically Talented" Student in the Era of Brown v. Board of Education and the National Defense Education Act

    Part of Isis (Chicago, Ill.), p. 581-605, 2017.

    Abstract

    This essay investigates the emergence of a profusion of lay and specialist literature in the late 1950s United States advocating on behalf of "gifted" and "academically talented" students. This call to reform schools around individual differences in "intelligence" was associated in its moment with the Sputnik crisis and the passage of the National Defense Education Act (NDEA). The essay demonstrates, however, that the emergence of intensified interest in education for the "academically talented" was actually closely coterminous with Brown v. Board of Education and should also be understood in the context of early efforts to desegregate the public schools. It holds that a closer look at the NDEA- and a supporting body of literature working in tandem with it-reveals continuities in psychometric conceptions of "intelligence" and testing from the interwar period into the post-World War II era. This essay thus makes contributions to the historiographies of the Cold War, civil rights, psychometrics, and education in the 1950s.

  • Müssener, Helmut; Glöckner, Olaf

    Deutschsprachige jüdische Emigration nach Schweden : 1774 bis 1945

    2017.

  • Müssener, Helmut

    Von Hilfe zur Selbsthilfe. Die Emigrantenselbsthilfe und ihre Tätigkeit von der Gründung bis in die 1950er Jahre.

    Part of Deutschsprachige jüdische Emigration nach Schweden : 1774 bis 1945, p. 255-272, 2017.

  • Glöckner, Olaf; Müssener, Helmut

    Deutschsprachige jüdische Emigration nach Schweden: 1774 bis 1945

    2017.

  • Rudberg, Pontus

    Deutsch-jüdischer Einfluss auf schwedisch-jüdische Rettungsarbeit 1933– 1939

    Part of Deutschsprachige jüdische Migration nach Schweden, p. 239-254, 2017.

  • Borges, Robert

    The people and languages of Suriname

    Part of Boundaries and Bridges, p. 21-54, 2017.

  • Borges, Robert; Muysken, Pieter; Villerius, Sophie; Yakpo, Kofi et al.

    Tense, mood, and aspect in Surinamese Languages

    Part of Boundaries and Bridges, 2017.

  • Borges, Robert

    The Maroon Creoles of the Guyanas: Expansion, contact, hybridization

    Part of Boundaries and Bridges, 2017.

  • Kostić, Roland

    Shadow peacebuilders and diplomatic counterinsurgencies:: informal networks, knowledge production and the art of policy-shaping

    Part of Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding, p. 120-139, 2017.

    Abstract

    This article explores the role of informal networks in producing strategic knowledge and influencing policy responses to the 2011 post-election crisis in Bosnia-Herzegovina. The analytical focus is on networks of shadow peacebuilders, defined as actors who are often not visible to the public and who promote a mix of altruistic and personal interests of their broader network by generating strategic narratives and influencing peacebuilding policy. As this article shows, shadow peacebuilders engage in diplomatic counterinsurgencies waged by means of diplomacy, politics, public relations and legal means. Strategic narratives are instrumental in legitimizing diplomatic counterinsurgency, inducing internal cohesion within the network and delegitimizing alternative narratives and policy solutions. Yet the production of strategic knowledge by shadow peacebuilders has its limitations. When the gap between strategic narrative and actions becomes too big, the network risks fragmentation and defeat by other networks that promote alternative strategic narratives and paths of action in the battle over control of peacebuilding policy.

  • de Guevara, Berit Bliesemann; Kostić, Roland

    Knowledge production in/about conflict and intervention:: finding 'facts', telling 'truth'

    Part of Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding, p. 1-20, 2017.

    Abstract

    This article has a twofold aim. First, it discusses the contributions to the scholarly field of conflict knowledge and expertise in this special issue on Knowledge production in/about conflict and intervention: finding 'facts', telling 'truth'. Second, it suggests an alternative reading of the issue's contributions. Starting from the assumption that prevalent ways of knowing are always influenced by wider material and ideological structures at specific times, the article traces the influence of contemporary neoliberalism on general knowledge production structures in Western societies, and more specifically in Western academia, before re-reading the special issue's contributions through this prism. The main argument is that neoliberalism leaves limited space for independent critical knowledge, thereby negatively affecting what can be known about conflict and intervention. The article concludes with some tasks for reflexive scholarship in neoliberal times.

  • Kostić, Roland

    Försoning i Bosnien-Hercegovina

    Part of Om krig och fred, p. 353-367, 2017.

  • Rudberg, Pontus

    "Allt är harmoni": Om tillvaron på Stigbo, ett barnhem för judiska flyktingbarn år 1939

    Part of Tillfälliga stockholmare, 2017.

  • Müssener, Helmut

    Schwedisch-deutsch-jüdische Beziehungen.: Bestandsaufnahme und Deesideratenkatalog.

    Part of Deutschsprachig jüdische Emigration nach Schweden, p. 1-22, 2017.

  • Müssener, Helmut

    Von Hilfe zur Selbsthilfe: die Emigrantenselbsthilfe und ihre Tätigkeit von der Gründung bis in die 1950er Jahre.

    Part of Deutschsprachige jüdische Emigration nach Schweden, p. 255-272, 2017.

  • Ionescu, Stefan Cristian

    Loyal citizens or dangerous stateless refugees?: The ‘Armenian Question’ in World War II Romania, 1940–44

    Part of Journal of Genocide Research, p. 318-339, 2017.

    Abstract

    After the massacres and genocide perpetrated by the Ottoman Empire, thousands of Armenian refugees arrived in Romania and reinvigorated the local minority group (native Armenians), which at that time was mostly assimilated. While native Armenians were citizens, the refugees were stateless people holding Nansen passports. From the 1930s on, and especially during the Antonescu regime (1940–44), the legal status of Armenians, especially of Nansen refugees, worsened due to the rise of ethno-nationalism, particularly in the economic area (a process called Romanianization). This article investigates the ‘Armenian Question’ in World War II Romania, including its connection with the ‘Jewish Question’. Believing that Nansen Armenians were disloyal to Romania—because some of them wanted to repatriate to Soviet Armenia and engaged in communist and fascist revolutionary organizations—and profited from the Romanian economy, and especially from Romanianization, the Antonescu regime treated this group as dangerous foreigners and subjected them to police surveillance and legal and economic persecution, resembling, to a certain extent, its antisemitic policy. However, Antonescu did not push the persecution of Nansen Armenians too far and, in general, they fared better than the Jews.

  • Bliesemann De Guevara, Berit; Kostić, Roland

    Knowledge and Expertise in International Interventions: The Politics of Facts, Truth and Authenticity

    2017.

    Abstract

    Knowledge about violent conflict and international intervention is political. It involves power struggles over the objects of knowing (problematization/silencing), how they are known (epistemic practices), and what interpretations are taken into account in policymaking and implementation. This book unearths the politics, power and performances involved in the social construction of seemingly neutral concepts such as facts, truth and authenticity in knowing about violent conflict and international intervention. Contributors foreground problems of physical and social access to information, explore practices generating knowledge actors' authority and legitimacy, and analyse struggles over competing policy narratives. A first set of chapters focuses on the social construction of facts, truth and authenticity through studies of militia research in the DR Congo, politicians' on-site visits in intervention theatres in the Balkans and Afghanistan, and the epistemic practices of Human Rights Watch and comics journalism. A second set of contributions analyses the strategic side of knowledge through case studies of diplomatic counterinsurgency in Bosnia and Herzegovina, African governments' active role in the `bunkerization' of international aid workers, and authoritarian peacebuilding as a challenge to the liberal power/knowledge regime in world politics. This book was originally published as a special issue of the Journal of Intervention and Statebuilding.

  • Huss, Leena

    Den nationella minoritetspolitiken ur ett revitaliseringsperspektiv

    Part of Multiethnica. Meddelande från Centrum för multietnisk forskning, Uppsala universitet, p. 28-32, 2017.

  • Huss, Leena

    Researching language loss and revitalization

    Part of Research methods in language and education, p. 99-111, 2017.

  • Boyd, Sally; Huss, Leena; Ottesjö, Cajsa

    Children’s agency in creating and maintaining language policy in practice in two “language profile” preschools in Sweden

    Part of Multilingua - Journal of Cross-cultural and Interlanguage Communication, p. 501-531, 2017.

    Abstract

    This paper presents results from an ethnographic study of language policy as it is enacted in everyday interaction in two language profile preschools in Sweden with explicit monolingual language policies: English and Finnish, respectively. However, in both preschools, children are free to choose language or code alternate. The study shows how children through their interactive choices create and modify language policy-in-practice. We analyze extracts from typical free play interactions in each setting. We show how children use code alternation as a contextualization cue in both settings, but with somewhat different interac- tional consequences. Children in both preschools tend to follow the lead of the preceding speaker’s language choice. Code alternation is also a means to manage conversational roles, for example, to show alignment. While the staff give priority to the profile language, the children show through their interaction that skills in both the preschool’s profile language and in Swedish are valuable.

  • Boyd, Sally; Huss, Leena

    Young children as language policy-makers: studies of interaction in preschools in Finland and Sweden

    Part of Multilingua - Journal of Cross-cultural and Interlanguage Communication, p. 359-373, 2017.

  • Wynter Porter, Jim

    A "Precious Minority": Constructing the "Gifted" and "Academically Talented" Student in the Era of Brown v. Board of Education and the National Defense Education Act

    Part of Isis (Chicago, Ill.), p. 581-605, 2017.

    Abstract

    This essay investigates the emergence of a profusion of lay and specialist literature in the late 1950s United States advocating on behalf of “gifted” and “academically talented” students. This call to reform schools around individualdifferences in “intelligence” was associated in its moment with the Sputnik crisis and the passage of the National Defense Education Act (NDEA). The essay demonstrates, however, that the emergence of intensified interest in education for the “academically talented” was actually closely coterminous with Brown v. Board of Education and should also be understood in the context of early efforts to desegregate the public schools. It holds that a closer look at the NDEA—and a supporting body of literature working in tandem with it—reveals continuities in psychometric conceptions of “intelligence” and testing from the interwar period into the post–World War II era. This essay thus makes contributions to thehistoriographies of the Cold War, civil rights, psychometrics, and education inthe 1950s.

  • Dulić, Tomislav

    Perpetuating fear: insecurity, costly signalling and the war in central Bosnia, 1993

    Part of Journal of Genocide Research, p. 463-484, 2016.

  • Bennich-Björkman, Li; Kostic, Roland; Likic-Brboric, Branka

    Citizens at Heart?: Perspectives on integration of refugees in the EU after the Yugoslav wars of succession

    2016.

  • Gudehus, Christian

    On the significance of the past for present and future action

    Part of Theorizing Social Memories. Concepts and Contexts, p. 84-97, 2016.

  • Carlsson, Carl Henrik

    Swab, släkt

    Part of Svenskt biografiskt lexikon, häfte 168, 2016.

  • Heuman, Johannes

    Moral reflections and historical research: The Holocaust and French-Jewish historiography, 1945-1950

    Part of Historisk Tidskrift (S), p. 472-494, 2016.

    Abstract

    This article investigates the role played by the historiography of the Holocaust in French society during the second half of the 1940s. The first research into the Holocaust originated with the Centre de documentation juive contemporaine (The Centre for Contemporary Jewish Documentation), CDJC, a private archive and research centre founded by Jews in Grenoble during the Second World War to provide historical evidence and prepare legal proceedings. The analysis focuses on the underlying intentions of the historiography of the CDJC, on how the Holocaust was depicted in their publications and on the reception of their studies. The driving force behind the CDJC research was a moral urge to give reparation and justice to the Jewish people after the Holocaust. The Centre came to present and comment on documents that demonstrated the Jewish people's suffering and the perpetrators' guilt in a way similar to how the sequence of events is established in a judicial process. Through documents created by the perpetrators, the independent antisemitic policy of the Vichy regime in France was revealed. However, the judicial approach of the research limited the possibilities to understand the events both from a long term perspective and from a broader cultural and political context. Internal discussions within the Centre also show tension between scientific norms about historical objectivity and the social function of history writing within the Jewish community. The type of moral and factual historiography produced by the CDJC is especially prominent in periods of political change when there is a need to highlight the experiences of the excluded. The CDJC's research did not play a significant role in France during the second half of the 1940s, however. Despite the Centre receiving an official recognition of sorts through participation in the Nuremberg Trials, its work suffered from a credibility problem because the CDJC was a private actor researching crimes committed by the Vichy regime. The limited attention paid by the French press took note of the importance of remembering these misdeeds, but the studies never gave rise to any thorough discussion in French society of Jewish experiences or French antisemitic policies during the occupation.

  • Deland, Mats

    Förord

    Part of Arkiv, Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, p. 7-13, 2016.

    Abstract

    Det här specialnumret av tidskriften Arkiv utgör den tredje volymen i en serie, Det vita fältet, som samlar svensk och internationell forskning om högerextremism. Sedan den förra volymen kom ut (2013) har regeringen aktualiserat det omstridda extremismbegreppet och gjort det till praktisk politik, Sverigedemokraterna har präglat och delvis lamslagit det parlamentariska arbetet och en våg av näthat har drabbat offentligheten. Numret innehåller en kritisk granskning av extremismbegreppet, av sociologerna Adrienne Sörbom och Magnus Wennerhag. Markus Lundström och Tomas Lundström introducerar i stället begreppet ”radikal nationalism” för att begreppsliggöra det högerextrema politiska projektet i en exposé över dess utveckling under de senaste hundra åren i Sverige. Vidare diskuterar den nederländske forskaren Cas Mudde omfattningen av den våg av högerpopulism som spridits genom Europa. Bristerna inom forskningen om Sverigedemokraterna, och deras kontakter med andra delar av den högerextrema miljön, behandlas av den amerikanske musikvetaren Benjamin Raphael Teitelbaum. Från tyskt perspektiv diskuteras förutsättningarna för ideologiskt betingat våld av Daniel Köhler och Tine Hutzel i två artiklar.

  • Dulic, Tomislav

    Danish Waffen-SS units in Yugoslavia: The fighting at Hrastovica and Glina, Autumn 1943

    Part of Fra Krig og Fred, p. 63-94, 2016.

  • Müssener, Helmut; Wilhelmus, Wolfgang

    Stettin - Lublin - Stockholm: Elsa Meyring: Aus dem Leben einer deutschen Nichtarierin im zwanzigsten Jahrhundert

    Ingo Koch Verlag, 2016.

  • Dulić, Tomislav

    Perpetuating Fear: Insecurity, Costly Signalling and the War in Central Bosnia, 1993

    Part of Journal of Genocide Research, p. 463-484, 2016.

    Abstract

    This article deals with the relationship between the ethnic and societal security dilemmas on the one hand, and the way in which elites seek to prevent local-level cooperation through ‘costly signalling’, on the other. By analysing transcripts of tape-recorded conversations from the Security Council of the Republic of Croatia during the period 1992–95, the author shows that the Croatian elite based its initial strategy on the widespread fear that Croats would become dominated in an independent Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was during this phase that Franjo Tuđman and parts of the Bosnian Croat elite voiced the idea that parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina should—at least as a contingency—be joined with Croatia. However, the elite in Zagreb began backtracking in early 1992, when it became clear that the international community would not allow such a turn of events. It is also shown that fears of political domination began transforming into security concerns in the second half on 1992 due to the increasing tensions between the Bosniak and Croat armed forces. The final part of the analysis shows how local elites used nationalist symbols and the presence of foreign Mujahedin fighters in the vicinity of Zenica for the purpose of ethnic mobilization in the spring of 1993.

  • Kott, Matthew; Dulić, Tomislav

    Guest Editors’ Note

    Part of Fascism: Journal of Comparative Fascist Studies, p. 1-2, 2016.

  • Olko, Justyna; Wicherkiewicz, Tomasz; Borges, Robert

    Integral Strategies for Language Revitalization

    2016.

  • Borges, Robert

    Ritual language formation and African retentions in Suriname: the case of Kumanti

    Part of OSO — tijdschrift voor de Surinamistiek en het Caraïbisch gebied, 2016.

  • Kostic, Roland

    Ambivalent Peacebuilders?: Exploring Trends and Motivations in Transnational Practices of Bosnians-Herzegovinians in Sweden

    Part of Citizens at Heart?, p. 117-136, 2016.

  • Huss, Leena

    Language Education Policies and the Indigenous and Minority Languages of Northernmost Scandinavia and Finland

    Part of Language Policy and Political Issues in Education, p. 367-381, 2016.

    Abstract

    Three Nordic countries, Norway, Sweden, and Finland, share a very similar history as regards to language policies targeting their northernmost Indigenous and minority peoples. The Sámi in all three countries, the Tornedalians in Sweden, and the Kven in Norway all experienced an early history of a rather laissez-faire policy followed by a long period of forced assimilation, the main assimilative force being the public school system. Especially in Sweden and Norway, the speakers of these languages were also targets of social Darwinist theories, which labeled these peoples both physically and mentally inferior to the higher-standing Scandinavians. The 1970s finally marked the end of assimilation policies in the three Nordic countries. Schools in Sweden and Norway took the first steps of promoting the instruction of Finnish as an optional subject for Tornedalian and Kven pupils. The ethnopolitical Sámi movement had been gaining strength, and during the 1970s, the official view on the Indigenous Sámi and their languages had become more positive in all three countries. Securing the maintenance of Sámi language and culture became the responsibility of the compulsory school system. Today, official language acquisition planning in Norway, Sweden, and Finland includes explicit protection and promotion of Indigenous and minoritized languages, regarded as part of the national heritage of these countries. This chapter provides a brief description of previous and ongoing research on these issues as well as specific questions connected to this research and its policy implications.

  • Huss, Leena

    Language Education Policies and the Indigenous and Minority Languages of Northernmost Scandinavia and Finland

    Part of Language Policy and Political Issues in Education, p. 367-381, 2016.

    Abstract

    Three Nordic countries, Norway, Sweden, and Finland, share a very similar history as regards to language policies targeting their northernmost Indigenous and minority peoples. The Sámi in all three countries, the Tornedalians in Sweden, and the Kven in Norway all experienced an early history of a rather laissez-faire policy followed by a long period of forced assimilation, the main assimilative force being the public school system. Especially in Sweden and Norway, the speakers of these languages were also targets of social Darwinist theories, which labeled these peoples both physically and mentally inferior to the higher-standing Scandinavians. The 1970s finally marked the end of assimilation policies in the three Nordic countries. Schools in Sweden and Norway took the first steps of promoting the instruction of Finnish as an optional subject for Tornedalian and Kven pupils. The ethnopolitical Sámi movement had been gaining strength, and during the 1970s, the official view on the Indigenous Sámi and their languages had become more positive in all three countries. Securing the maintenance of Sámi language and culture became the responsibility of the compulsory school system. Today, official language acquisition planning in Norway, Sweden, and Finland includes explicit protection and promotion of Indigenous and minoritized languages, regarded as part of the national heritage of these countries. This chapter provides a brief description of previous and ongoing research on these issues as well as specific questions connected to this research and its policy implications. 

  • Kubai, Anne

    Being here and there: Migrant communities in Sweden and the conflicts in the Horn of Africa

    Part of Africans on the Move, p. 76-90, 2015.

    Abstract

    The largest migrant communities in Sweden come from Africa's most troubled region, the Horn. These are the Somali and Ethiop-Eritrean communities. This paper examines the not-so-obvious ways in which Ethiop-Eritrean and Somali communities in Sweden influence the political developments, particularly the conflicts at 'home'. Many of these immigrants living in Sweden keep up with social and political developments in their countries of origin almost on daily basis and remain engaged, to a large extent, in the affairs of both their families and communities 'out there' while they 'are here in Sweden'. This article therefore focuses on the particular forms of engagement that have either intended or unintended impact on the intractable conflicts in which the societies in these countries are engaged. I argue that 'nostalgia underpins the immigrants' sense of commitment to the affairs of their countries of origin, and therefore, providing moral and material support to warring groups derives the impetus largely from the affective dimension of migration.

  • Schult, Tanja

    Raoul Wallenberg on Stage - or at Stake?: Guilt and Shame as Obstacles in the Swedish Commemoration of their Holocaust Hero

    Part of History, Memory, Performance, p. 135-152, 2015.

  • Hansen, Imke

    "Nie wieder Auschwitz!": Die Enstehung eines Symbols und der Alltag einer Gedenkstätte 1945-1955

    Wallstein Verlag, 2015.